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雅思阅读 134: The Fear of Being Exposed(被揭穿的恐惧——冒名顶替综合征)

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雅思阅读 134: The Fear of Being Exposed(被揭穿的恐惧——冒名顶替综合征)

改编自 Frontiers in Psychology(2026年7月)。雅思阅读 Section 3 难度,约 1050 词。 素材来源:https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1888808/full

Reading Passage

A. In every university lecture hall, it is possible to find someone whose examination results would seem to guarantee confidence, yet who privately harbours a nagging suspicion that they do not deserve their place. Psychologists call this the impostor phenomenon. First described nearly half a century ago by Clance and Imes, it refers to a persistent internal sense of intellectual fraudulence: the inability, even when surrounded by objective evidence of competence, to internalise one's own achievements. Those who experience it typically attribute success to luck, timing or charm, while remaining convinced that one day someone will realise they have been admitted by mistake. Early studies focused mainly on high-achieving women, but later research found the condition across genders and professions, and it has become especially visible in competitive academic settings. Constant assessment and relentless social comparison appear to nourish it, and it has been linked with anxiety, burnout and a general reduction in psychological wellbeing. Because the feelings persist in the face of good examination results, they are not a straightforward response to failure; they are, rather, a mismatch between internal self-image and external evidence. Even experienced professionals, including doctors, lawyers and academics, report the same quiet suspicion that their successes have not been earned.

B. A recent investigation, carried out at a single large university in Saudi Arabia, tried to map how the phenomenon relates to several neighbouring psychological traits. More than five hundred undergraduates completed validated questionnaires measuring impostor feelings, self-efficacy — a person's belief in their own capacity to carry out specific tasks — perfectionism, happiness and sense of belonging. The findings were partly reassuring and partly unexpected. Impostor feelings were only weakly correlated with low self-efficacy and low happiness, but moderately and firmly linked to maladaptive perfectionism: the harder students were on themselves, the more likely they were to call themselves frauds. Conversely, self-efficacy showed strong ties to happiness and to feeling integrated within the campus community. Believing that you can do the job, in other words, mattered more to wellbeing than how perfectly you believed you had done it. The authors used bootstrapped statistical models to tease apart the relationships between the variables, and they cautioned throughout that the patterns described associations rather than causes.

C. The Saudi study also surfaced a disciplinary pattern that runs against the usual assumption. Researchers had expected students in medical and scientific colleges, where competition is fierce, to report the strongest impostor feelings. In fact, the reverse was observed: those in administrative and humanities programmes scored higher on the impostor scale. The authors speculate that this may reflect greater career uncertainty in those fields, or weaker structures of academic support, rather than any inherent feature of the subjects themselves. Equally striking was a very strong association between feeling that one belongs and perceiving the environment as competitive. The authors caution that the two questionnaires may have measured overlapping things, but the underlying reading is plausible: students who feel embedded in a community are also those most aware of how their peers compare. Highly integrated students, it seems, can feel both at home and under scrutiny at the same time. The unusually tight link between belonging and competition — a correlation stronger than most that social scientists find in survey data — may itself be an artefact of the brief two-item questionnaire used to measure competition.

D. The theoretical lens chosen by the researchers was Social Cognitive Theory, which sees human functioning as a continuous negotiation among thought, behaviour and environment. Within that framework, impostor feelings look less like a stable personality defect and more like a distortion of self-appraisal: a habit of underestimating one's abilities in the face of contrary evidence. The distinction between shame and guilt proved useful here. Guilt is tied to a specific behaviour — a bad essay, a missed deadline — while shame wraps the verdict around the whole self, declaring the person inadequate at their core. Impostor thoughts lean toward shame, and this helps explain why they fuel avoidance and distress rather than a sensible determination to improve. It also points toward treatment: approaches that build self-compassion and realistic self-evaluation seem better suited than those that simply demand more effort. The trait is not, in other words, something to be bullied out of a student by harder work; it is a cognitive habit that can be retrained.

E. The investigators were careful about what their data could and could not show. Because the study was cross-sectional — a single snapshot rather than a sequence over time — no claim about cause was possible. A link between perfectionism and impostor feelings does not prove that one produces the other; both may be fed by a third factor, such as family background or a stressful department. Convenience sampling, reliance on self-reports and concentration on one institution all limit how far the findings travel. Even so, the practical message is modest and clear. Universities that want to reduce the toll of impostor feelings would do well to strengthen self-efficacy early, normalise self-doubt as something nearly everyone experiences, and make it easier to seek help without feeling exposed. The fear of being found out, after all, thrives in silence; it loses force when named, shared and shown to be common. Longitudinal studies that follow students through their degrees, the authors conclude, are now needed to see how these feelings rise and fall with the actual pressures of academic life. Cross-cultural comparisons, too, would help determine whether the patterns observed in a single Saudi university are specific to it or hold more generally. The authors note that previous studies, conducted in Europe, North America and Russia, have found broadly similar links between impostor feelings, perfectionism and self-efficacy, which suggests the phenomenon is not confined to one educational system.


Questions 1-4

Choose the correct heading for paragraphs B, C, D and E from the list of headings below.

List of Headings i. How impostor feelings were first discovered in the 1970s ii. What a Saudi survey found about related traits iii. An unexpected pattern across academic disciplines iv. Why guilt is more harmful than shame v. A theoretical explanation grounded in self-appraisal vi. Limits of the evidence and practical lessons vii. Why Saudi Arabia has no universities

  1. Paragraph B: ____
  2. Paragraph C: ____
  3. Paragraph D: ____
  4. Paragraph E: ____

Questions 5-8

Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.

  1. How did impostor feelings correlate with self-efficacy in the Saudi study? A. Strongly and positively. B. Weakly and negatively. C. There was no correlation at all. D. They were linked only in medical students.

  2. What was unexpected about the disciplinary pattern? A. Humanities and administrative students reported stronger impostor feelings than science students. B. Medical students were the most confident. C. Science students refused to answer the survey. D. No differences were found between disciplines.

  3. According to the writer, how do shame and guilt differ? A. Guilt judges the whole person; shame judges a specific act. B. Shame judges the whole person; guilt is tied to a specific behaviour. C. The two emotions are identical. D. Shame is always healthier than guilt.

  4. Why can the researchers not claim causation? A. The sample was too large. B. The data came from a single snapshot rather than a longitudinal design. C. The questionnaires were in English. D. Students refused to participate.


Questions 9-13

Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer?

Write:

  • TRUE if the statement agrees with the information
  • FALSE if the statement contradicts the information
  • NOT GIVEN if there is no information on this
  1. The impostor phenomenon was first described by researchers in the late 1970s.
  2. In the Saudi study, impostor feelings were strongly linked to maladaptive perfectionism.
  3. Students in medical colleges reported the highest impostor scores.
  4. The Saudi study was conducted at more than ten universities across the country.
  5. Self-compassion-based interventions are generally considered less useful than performance-based ones.

Questions 14-15

Complete the summary below using NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage.

Impostor feelings are tied to (14) __________-based self-evaluation rather than specific behaviour, which is why building self- (15) __________ early may help students cope.


答案与解析

题号 答案 解析
1 ii B段:505名学生问卷,IP与完美主义中度相关、与自我效能弱负相关。
2 iii C段:人文学科/管理学院学生IP得分高于医科——与预期相反。
3 v D段:社会认知理论框架,自我评估扭曲;羞愧vs内疚的区分。
4 vi E段:横断面设计的局限、单一机构、实践建议。
5 B B段:r = -0.19,弱负相关。
6 A C段:与"理科生IP更高"的预期相反。
7 B D段:羞愧针对整体自我,内疚针对具体行为。
8 B E段:cross-sectional snapshot,无法推断因果。
9 TRUE A段:Clance and Imes 近半个世纪前(1978)首次描述。
10 TRUE B段:与maladaptive perfectionism中度正相关(r=0.56)。
11 FALSE C段:原文是医学/理科学生得分较低,人文/管理更高——与题干相反。
12 NOT GIVEN 原文仅说Taibah University一所,未说"十多所",也未否认"十多所"以外的数量——属于数字无依据。
13 FALSE D段:self-compassion方法比performance-based更合适,与题干相反。
14 shame D段:shame-based self-evaluation。
15 efficacy E段:strengthen self-efficacy early。

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