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雅思阅读 59: The Temple That Came Before Farming(先于农业诞生的神庙)

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雅思阅读 59: The Temple That Came Before Farming(先于农业诞生的神庙)

改编于 History / Göbekli Tepe research(2025-2026)。雅思阅读 Section 3 难度,约 1050 词。 素材来源:https://www.history.com/articles/gobekli-tepe

Reading Passage

A. On a barren limestone ridge above the city of Şanlıurfa, in south-eastern Turkey, sits a site that has spent the last three decades quietly overturning the textbook story of how civilisation began. Göbekli Tepe — literally "Potbelly Hill" — dates to roughly 9600 to 8200 BCE, which makes it about 6,000 years older than Stonehenge and 7,000 years older than the pyramids of Giza. Everything about its age is anachronistic. It belongs to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic, a time when, according to the old account, human beings were still small bands of mobile hunter-gatherers who had not yet domesticated plants, animals, metals or writing. Such people, the textbooks assumed, could not possibly organise themselves to quarry, transport and carve multi-ton stone pillars in ordered circles. Yet the pillars are there, and they were built, the excavators are now confident, by exactly those hunter-gatherers. The discovery, first seriously investigated by the German archaeologist Klaus Schmidt from the mid-1990s, did not merely add another ancient ruin to the list. It forced a rewriting of the order in which human ingenuity is supposed to have developed.

B. The site itself is unmistakable. Across the hill, excavators have uncovered a series of circular and oval enclosures, each defined by walls of dry-stone rubble and centred on a pair of tall, T-shaped limestone pillars. Some of those pillars stand more than five metres high and weigh many tonnes, and they were cut, with flint tools, from bedrock outcrops only about a hundred metres away before being erected in the circles. Many are decorated: abstract pictograms, and finely carved reliefs of foxes, cranes, wild boars, snakes and vultures, form a sort of bestiary of the early Holocene. The T-shapes themselves have invited interpretation — as stylised human figures, with the crossbar representing shoulders and the decorated pillars perhaps standing for ancestral or supernatural beings. Crucially, no houses, hearths or domestic waste have been found inside the enclosures. There is no evidence that anyone lived here. It looks, in every respect, like a place people travelled to, used ritually for a time, and then deliberately filled in with rubble before building again nearby.

C. The puzzle is not what the site looks like, but why anyone built it. Hunter-gatherers, the old story went, were too few, too mobile and too preoccupied with survival to invest months of collective labour in a monument that produced no food and no shelter. In 2025, two discoveries sharpened that question rather than settling it. In Enclosure C, archaeologists restoring a wall uncovered a near life-sized human statue embedded horizontally into the foundation, its head and upper body intact but its legs deliberately absent — as though the figure had been built into the structure rather than placed there after it was finished. Why carve a figure and then bury it, incomplete, in the wall? No comparable object is known from such an early horizon, and the excavators are still cautious about its meaning. What it does make plain is that the people of Göbekli Tepe were capable of figurative sculpture on a scale previously thought impossible 11,000 years ago, and that their symbolism was stranger than the old "proto-religion" label allows.

D. A second line of evidence links the temple to the invention of farming itself. For decades the conventional story was that hunger drove agriculture: populations grew, wild game became scarce, and people were forced to domesticate wheat and sheep. Göbekli Tepe points the causality the other way. More than 7,200 grinding tools have now been recovered from the site, and phytolith analysis — microscopic plant remains trapped in stone — shows that wild cereals were processed here on a remarkable scale. The interpretation that follows is provocative: feeding the hundreds of workers who gathered at seasonal ritual gatherings to build and maintain the enclosures is what first pushed mobile hunter-gatherers to manage, tend and eventually domesticate wild grain. Belief, in other words, came before the plough. People built the temple because they wanted to gather; gathering required surplus food; surplus food required the careful management of grain; and that careful management, over generations, tipped into agriculture. The monument, in this reading, is not a product of farming but a cause of it.

E. Göbekli Tepe no longer stands alone. Nearby, at Karahan Tepe and other sites on the same limestone plateau, archaeologists are uncovering sibling enclosures from the same millennium, suggesting that the hill was not an isolated eccentricity but one node in a network of ritual centres dotted across south-eastern Anatolia. Taken together, these sites force a humbling reassessment. Civilisation, the new story suggests, was not born of settled cities and grain stores, but of something that looks remarkably like religion: the willingness of unrelated bands to cooperate on a scale that had nothing to do with immediate survival, in order to build something that expressed what they collectively believed. Whether that interpretation survives the next generation of excavation is an open question. What already seems clear is that the sequence humanity assumed it knew — food first, then belief, then monuments — has been turned upside down on a limestone ridge in Turkey. Visitors who come expecting an older, simpler Stonehenge leave with the opposite impression: that the urge to build together, to carve images of the animals around you, and to bury those images carefully when their meaning faded, may be among the oldest things about us. The enclosures were themselves deliberately backfilled in their own time, as if the people who built them understood that a sacred place should not be lived in, and should not outlive its moment. Whether that same instinct survives in the cathedrals and stadiums of later civilisations is a question the site poses without quite answering.


Questions 1-4

Choose the correct heading for paragraphs B, C, D and E from the list of headings below.

List of Headings i. What the enclosures and pillars actually look like ii. The puzzle of why hunter-gatherers built it iii. The temple-before-farming hypothesis iv. Why the site rewrites the story of civilisation v. A history of modern tourism in Turkey vi. How limestone is quarried with modern machinery vii. The diet of later Neolithic farmers

  1. Paragraph B: ____
  2. Paragraph C: ____
  3. Paragraph D: ____
  4. Paragraph E: ____

Questions 5-8

Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.

  1. Approximately how much older is Göbekli Tepe than Stonehenge? A. About 6,000 years older. B. About 100 years older. C. About the same age. D. About 1,000 years younger.

  2. According to the excavators, who built the site? A. Mobile hunter-gatherers without domesticated plants or animals. B. The ancient Egyptian state. C. A Bronze Age city-state. D. Roman legionaries.

  3. What was unusual about the statue found in Enclosure C in 2025? A. It lay horizontally in the wall foundation with its legs deliberately absent. B. It was cast in pure gold. C. It was identified as a modern forgery. D. It depicted a horse and rider.

  4. What does the analysis of more than 7,000 grinding tools suggest? A. Wild cereals were processed on a large scale, possibly to feed workers. B. The site was a metal-working factory. C. No grain was ever processed at the site. D. The tools were imported from Europe.


Questions 9-13

Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer?

Write:

  • TRUE if the statement agrees with the information
  • FALSE if the statement contradicts the information
  • NOT GIVEN if there is no information on this
  1. Göbekli Tepe was built during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period.
  2. Large quantities of domesticated wheat and cattle were found inside the enclosures.
  3. The pillars were cut from nearby bedrock using flint tools.
  4. Klaus Schmidt was the archaeologist who pioneered the serious investigation of the site.
  5. The site has now been fully roofed and opened as a climate-controlled museum.

Questions 14-15

Complete the summary below using NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage.

The enclosures are defined by tall T-shaped (14) __________ pillars, and the analysis of thousands of grinding tools suggests that (15) __________ cereals were processed here on a large scale.


答案与解析

题号 答案 解析
1 i B段:环形围场、T形石柱、动物浮雕,无居住痕迹。
2 ii C段:采集狩猎者为何投入巨大劳力建神庙;2025年残缺雕像。
3 iii D段:磨具与植物硅酸体证据——先有信仰聚会,后有农业。
4 iv E段:Karahan Tepe等姊妹遗址,重写文明起源顺序。
5 A A段:比巨石阵早约6000年。
6 A A/B段:无定居农业的狩猎采集者。
7 A C段:横置于墙基、腿部故意缺失。
8 A D段:野谷大规模加工以供养工人。
9 TRUE A段:Pre-Pottery Neolithic。
10 FALSE B段:未发现驯化动植物,与"large quantities found"矛盾。
11 TRUE B段:燧石工具从100米外基岩开采。
12 TRUE A段:Klaus Schmidt主持发掘。
13 NOT GIVEN 原文未说已建恒温博物馆。
14 limestone B段:limestone pillars。
15 wild D段:wild cereals processed。

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